Grant died on Friday. He was my friend and mentor for a long time, and I’m glad that I knew him for so long.
Let me share four short stories with you, to give you a sense of Grant.
The first is of an internationally respected scholar. When Grant and I visited Hokkaido University in 2004, his talk was preceded by a warm and glowing reference by our hosts. One host held aloft Governing Under Pressure and described it as one of the most influential books of his time. It was certainly one of the biggest influences on me and many of my colleagues (as I describe below), and his work was valued by as many colleagues in the US as the UK.
The second is of his continuous help to students and colleagues. I associate Grant’s working life with one image: his open office door. He kept an office directly across from the departmental office, ensuring that if any student came to us with a problem, he’d be the first to try to solve it. It might not sound like much to say that he knew Aberdeen University’s regulations inside-out, but it symbolised his continuous efforts to make sure that students benefited from them. He offered the same continuous help to many of our colleagues.
The third is of a quietly influential mentor. Some of Grant’s advice was cryptic, but all of it was useful. At key points of my career and intellectual development, he was there to offer pointers and challenge incomplete thought. For example, often his favourite approach was to quote Mandy Rice-Davies (‘he would say that’) to challenge any claims I made from elite interviews, and you can see the effect of such caution on much of my published work.
The fourth is of a funny person. There are odd-sounding times that I’ll remember, such as when Darren Halpin and I met up with Grant and his partner Andrea in Toronto (during an APSA conference), and they were already quite merry when we arrived. Or, when at the football together (Grant was a big Aberdeen FC fan), he would often offer me and my children some suspiciously warm toffees from his pocket. Maybe one of his funniest lines is now one of the most poignant: when I tried to do a decent speech on his career at his retirement dinner, he described it as a speech well suited to his funeral (I guess you had to be there to appreciate the humour!).
Jordan and Richardson’s intellectual legacy
Grant will leave an intellectual legacy. His work with Jeremy Richardson is still at the heart of my understanding of politics and policy. In my first undergraduate year at Strathclyde, Jeremy lectured on British politics and public policy. He presented an image of politics that drew me in (partly via Yes Minster) and an argument – made in partnership with Grant – that I still use most frequently to this day:
- The size and scope of the state is so large that it is in danger of becoming unmanageable. The same can be said of the crowded environment in which huge numbers of actors seek policy influence. Consequently, the state’s component parts are broken down into policy sectors and sub-sectors, with power spread across government.
- Elected policymakers can only pay attention to a tiny proportion of issues for which they are responsible. So, they pay attention to a small number and ignore the rest. In effect, they delegate policymaking responsibility to other actors such as bureaucrats, often at low levels of government.
- At this level of government and specialisation, bureaucrats rely on specialist organisations for information and advice.
- Those organisations trade that information/advice and other resources for access to, and influence within, the government (other resources may relate to who groups represent – such as a large, paying membership, an important profession, or a high status donor or corporation).
- Therefore, most public policy is conducted primarily through small and specialist policy communities that process issues at a level of government not particularly visible to the public, and with minimal senior policymaker involvement.
They initially made this argument in the late 1970s and early 1980s, before the rise of ‘Thatcherism’ in the UK. Then, they used it to challenge the idea that Thatcherism marked a radical departure in policymaking. Of course, this new phase of policymaking was important and distinctive, but the same basic argument outlined above still applies, and Jordan went on to do further empirical studies, with colleagues such as William Maloney, to highlight a surprising amount of policymaking stability and continuity. In other words, Jordan and Richardson have shown, and continue to show that the UK generally does not live up to its ‘majoritarian’ image. It’s an argument that I use to this day.
Overall, I was very lucky to have Grant in my life for so long, and I hope he knew how many people shared this combination of admiration for his work and fondness of him.